What is the context?
The government is required by statute to publish a national curriculum, and can make changes the curriculum or national assessments. This has been the case since 1988.
In practice, when governments want to change a curriculum or national assessment such as SATs, GCSEs, A levels or technical qualifications, they typically bring together a group of experts including academics, practitioners and representatives from industry, universities, etc. Often this expert group is, to some extent, appointed in order to align with the current government or minister’s beliefs and aims, rather than to provide genuinely impartial advice. This is not always the case, but either way, the government selects the expert group and then can choose to accept its recommendations or not.
The last review of the national curriculum was carried out and published over a decade ago. However, a vast majority of pupils in England do not now have to follow the national curriculum because they attend academies. In reality, most do (because so much teaching is driven by exam and test specifications), and it is ASCL policy that all state-funded schools should follow a slimmed-down national curriculum.
Labour have promised a curriculum and assessment review. This position is intended to support that process, and any future curriculum and/or assessment reviews in the future by current or successive governments.
ASCL position
ASCL supports the development of an independent curriculum and assessment review body to advise government on possible changes to the national curriculum or national assessments.
The body should ensure independence and impartiality by having a series of checks and balances as to its membership and operating structure.
Decisions on whether or not to implement the independent review body’s recommendations remain the government’s. The body would have no statutory powers to mandate curriculum changes.
Why are we saying this?
We believe that any curriculum and assessment review should be as independent and impartial as possible. We are suggesting a three-tiered approach to ensure this:
- A statutory appointing committee, which appoints…
- A standing committee, whose make-up is defined by the appointing committee, which in turn appoints...
- Expert groups, who work on a task-and-finish basis, based on the brief given to them, and who make recommendations to government.
In practice, if government wants to review an area of curriculum or assessment (e.g. the computing curriculum, GCSE English language, or the whole national curriculum), it would ask the standing group to convene a group of experts to make recommendations. The expert group would publicly report back to the government, and the government could choose to accept and implement the recommendations or not.
We think it’s right that government retains overall control of the curriculum, but that the process of review is more impartial and more transparent.
We also believe that there should be a two-way dialogue between the standing committee and the government. Our proposal is that government writes to the standing committee when it has a particular area of curriculum or assessment it wants to review, leading to the process outlined above. However, we propose that the standing committee meets annually to make recommendations to government about any areas of the curriculum or national assessments which may need review (it may recommend that no review is necessary). The government could then decide whether or not to ask the standing committee to convene an expert group.
Unlike previous curriculum and assessment bodies such as the Qualifications and Curriculum Development Agency, the standing committee’s only role would be to convene expert groups when asked, and to make annual recommendations about areas for review. Any recommendations made by expert groups would not be statutory, but made transparently to government.
We think this three-tiered approach would introduce sufficient checks and balances to prevent hegemony or ideology over curriculum content, while retaining the sovereignty of government to define the curriculum under the 1988 Education Act.